THE 

Battle of Pell's Point 

( OR PELHAM ) 

OCTOBER 1 8, 177b. 
25ring tbc S>totp of a stubborn iFtfffit. 

WITH A MAP, AND ILLUSTRATIONS FROM 

ORIGINAL PHOTOGRAPHS AND 

FAMILY PORTRAITS. 

BY 

WILLIAM ABBATT, 

Author of The Crisis of the Revolution. 



NEW YORK: 

WILLIAM ABBATT. 

281 Fourth Ave., 
1901. 



THE LI1RARV OF 
CONGRESS, 

Two Curies Received 

DEC. 4 1901 

COPVRIGWT eWTSV 

I ■ «'. I T- 10/ 
CLASS O. XXo. no. 

a- / 1- 7 -r 

COPY J. 



Copyright, 1901, by 
William Abbatt. 






' 



Map of theTownsof 



WESTCHESTER EAST CHESTER AND PELHAM N . Y. 

to illustrate 

THE BATTLE or PELL'S POINT(PELHAM) 
October 18V 1 1776 




THE BATTLE OF PELLS POINT— PELHAM. 



Twenty copies on Large Paper, 
of which this is No _ 



preface. 



IN the official record of services of two regiments of the 
British Army — the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Lancers — it is 
stated that they were engaged in the battle of " Pelham 
Moor." 

Yet though this encounter is thus thought worthy of men- 
tion side by side with Waterloo and others of world-renown, 
few of our own histories contain any details of it, and one of 
the most popular gives it only three lines, in which are two 
serious errors. 

Examination of all the authorities and personal familiarity 
with the scene and the topography of lower Westchester 
County, leads me to consider it one of the most important 
conflicts of the earlier part of the Revolution. The only 
author who gives it the rank which it deserves is one to 
whom I am indebted, and whose services to American history 
are too well-known to need extended mention : the late Henry 
B. Dawson, of Morrisania, N. Y. 

But his interesting and valuable "Westchester County 
during the Revolution " (down to November, 1776) was pub- 
lished fifteen years ago, in a very small edition, and hence is 
not as widely known as it should be. In the preparation of 
my own story of the battle, I have been fortunate in receiving 
valuable assistance from several gentlemen, now or formerly 
residents of the town of Pelham; among them Rev. C. W. 
Bolton, H. D. Carey, Esq. (of City Island). Mr. M. G. La- 
throp, now of White Haven, Pa., Rev. W. S. Coffey and Mr. 
H. S. Rapelye, of Mount Vernon. 

To my friends E. S. Bennett and Z. T. Benson, of New 
York, 1 owe most of the photographs which add so much to 



the narrative. The portrait of Colonel Glover is kindly fur- 
nished by Mr. S. Roads, Jr., the historian of Marblehead, and 
that of Colonel Shepard by Mr. A. N. Shepard, of Denver. 

The portrait of Colonel Shepard is from the original by 
Trumbull, in his painting of the Battle of Trenton, at Yale 
College. That of Private Russell is furnished by Colonel 
Eckford Moore, Secretary of the Trenton Battle Monument 
Association. Russell was at the capture of Trenton and also 
at Pell's Point, and the face is copied from a portrait of him 
made in France a few years after the Revolution. It is almost 
unique as a contemporary portrait of a private soldier of the 
Revolution. 

The map is from a late survey, and is carefully redrawn 
to show all the points of interest. 

As the first full and illustrated account of the battle, I trust 
the book may be found a not unworthy contribution to the 
story of the Revolution, and particularly to the part of it con- 
nected with the County of Westchester. 

W. A. 
West Chester, N. Y. 
iqoi. 



List of Iillustrnrions. 

TAGE 

Frontispiece — Portrait of General John Glover. 

1. Glover's Rock, . ...... 5 

2. " " East from, ..... 8 

3. " " West from, . . . . . .12 

4. Portrait of Colonel Shepard, ..... 14 

5. Statue of John Russell, . . . . . 15 

6. Portrait of Colonel Baldwin, ..... 16 

7. The Split Rock Road — Entrance to, . . . . • 17 

8. " ' —On, ..... 18 

9. Split Rock, . . . . . . . . 19 

10. Wolf's Lane, ....... 20 

11. Pell's Bridge — over the Hutchinson, . . . . .21 

12. St Paul's Church, East Chester, ..... 22 

Mai' oe Battle Ground. 



N the Autumn of 1776, Washington, at a loss to 
fathom the plans of the British commander, and 
with his army only partly restored to confidence 
in itself by the successful action of Harlem 
Heights (September 16), was gradually withdrawing the 
greater part of it from New York City to Westchester 
County. For lack of draught horses the progress was 
necessarily slow, and as the artillery and the camp wagons 
had to be guarded on the way, the troops were strung out in 
a long line, affording an excellent opportunity for successful 
attack on the part of a vigilant enemy ; which, happily, General 
Howe was not. Leaving about two thousand men, under Lord 
Percy, on Manhattan Island, the British commander embarked 
the rest of his army for Throgg's Neck, about thirteen miles 
up Long Island Sound, probably hoping to get in the rear of 
the patriots, force them to retreat on Harlem, and thus place 
them between two fires. On October twelfth he landed on 
the Neck, but his attempt to cross by the causeway — still ex- 
isting—to the west shore of West Chester Creek was foiled by 
the troops under Hand and Prescott, and he remained idle for 
six days. 

On the eighteenth, at one o'clock in the morning, he again 
embarked, 1 and crossed to Pell's Point, in the town ofPelham, 

1 The force embarked was not the whole army — Knyphausen, with most of 
the Hessians followed a few days after. 

It was made up of the Light and Grenadier companies of the British regiments, 
and part if not all the Gerr , an Chasseurs, several Hessian regiments, the Sixteenth 
and Seventeenth Light Dragoons, the field-guns of the Germans, and some guns 
of the Royal Artillery — taken from either the " E," " I," 6th or 9th batteries. 




GLOVER'S ROCK. 
( Where the conflict began.") 



5 

a few miles north. Here, at dawn, began lhe landing of the 
troops, and the conflict with which we are concerned soon 
followed. 

John Glover, commanding the Massachusetts regiment 
known by his name, and also as the "fishermen's" or the 
"amphibious" regiment, which played so important a part in 
the retreat from Long Island, was then at the head of a brigade 
of four skeleton regiments, all of Massachusetts. 

They were his own, the 14th; Joseph Read's, the 13th; 
Shepard's (late Learned's), the 3d; and Loammi Baldwin's, 
the 26th. The whole comprised only seven hundred and fifty 

I have not been able to find a complete list of the British regiments, but it is 
certain the Fourth and Sixteenth Foot (or their companies as mentioned above) 
were there. 

The estimates made by American writers vary very widely, some putting the 
number as high as sixteen thousand: which is manifestly impossible. I have 
followed Dawson, who says four thousand — surely odds enough to enlist our 
admiration for Glover's brigade. 

As Glover does not mention any cavalry among the enemy, it is probable that 
the dragoons fought dismounted. 

Eelking does not give any full list of the Hessians present, but says: "Von 
Stirn's brigade was brought up." This consisted of four regiments: the Guards, 
Col. Von Wurmb, the Prince Charles, Col. Schreiber, the Von Ditfurth, Col. 
Von Bose (the regiment afterwards distinguished at the battle of Guilford Court 
House) the Von Trumbach, Col. Von Bischoffshausen, and the Third Grenadier 
Battalion, Col. Von Minnigerode. 

The first four had 633 men each, the Grenadiers 500 — so the Hessians alone 
comprised 3,000 men. At this rate the whole force would be more than Daw- 
son's 4,000. (He says the Chasseurs were present, but Eelking does not men- 
tion them). 

It is a coincidence that a squad or the 16th Dragoons captured General Lee at 
Basking Ridge, N. J., almost exactly a year later. He was then considered so 
important a capture that Major Harcourt was promoted to command the regiment 
on account of his daring venture. 



men, 1 and had encamped the previous night — Thursday — 
somewhere 2 in the town of East Chester. 

It is to a letter of Glover's, written a few days later, to an 
unnamed friend in New Hampshire, that history owes most of 
its knowledge of the Battle of Pelham, destined to have so 
important a bearing on the immediate future of the patriot 
army. The brigade was part of General James Clinton's di- 
vision, and was the only force near Pell's Point, at which 
place General Heath had foreseen the need of a guard, and to 
which effect he had notified General Nixon. 

It was very early that morning when the vigilant Colonel, 
acting as Brigadier in Clinton's absence, was astir. He writes: 
" I went on the hill with my glass, and discovered a number 
of ships in the Sound under way (and) the (small) boats, up- 
wards of two hundred, all manned (filled with troops)." 

At this time General Charles Lee was the next in rank to 
Washington, and the successful defense of Charleston the pre- 
vious June was popularly attributed to his exertions (although 
really owing chiefly to Moultrie and Rutledge). Hence Glover 
naturally at once sent Major Lee, 3 of his regiment, to report to 

1 On October sth the returns showed: 

Glover's, - - - 170 privates tit for duty. 

Read's, - 220 " " " " 

Shepard's, - - - 204 " " " ' 

Baldwin's, - 214 " " " " 

Total, - - - 843 

2 President Stiles of Yale College, in his Diary, Vol. VI, says: 

22d October, 
Camp at Mile Square, East Chester. 
Friday morning, the 18th, we were alarmed, and the enemy landed at Rod- 
man's Point (a place about four miles from our encampment). 

3 William R. Lee was born in Manchester, Mass., , 1744, and 

died in Salem, October 24, 1824. 



him for orders. But although only three miles distant, 1 he 
came no nearer the scene of action, nor is it apparent that he 
gave the Major any orders for the anxious Brigadier, whose 
letter fervently exclaims: "I would have given a thousand 
worlds to have had General Lee, or some other experienced 
officer, present, to direct or at least approve." 

But it proved a blessing in disguise: Lee would probably 
have ordered a retreat — Glover was a man of action, diminu- 
tive as to stature but great as to energy; and now, suddenly 
thrown on his own resources, he showed that he could act 
promptly, vigorously, and, as the result proved, wisely. His 
seven hundred and fifty, with three small cannon, were to 
face Howe's four thousand, and to acquit themselves with 
credit. 2 He naively adds that "it was very lucky" he acted 
without waiting for orders (for) " the enemy had stole a march 
one and a half miles on us." 

That distance from the British landing-place, as shown on 
their map, 3 would be about where the City Island road comes 
into the "Shore Road." 

• Glover. 

2 The resistance at Pell's Point was characterized by a persistency of purpose 
and a stubbornness of hand-to-hand fighting which kept his (Washington's) main 
army practically intact. 

Carrington (Washington the Soldier, p. 91). 

3 The map on which the others of that period have been based, is by the 
British engineer Sauthier. I have used it in part for making my own, but have 
corrected its errors, such as placing the scene of battle further north, within the 
limits of New Rochelle, not Pelham. He has made so many errors in other parts 
as to be open to correction in this instance. Dawson points out that on the 
Hudson River side he put Yonkers several miles too far north, and made other 
errors, which make it evident that he similarly misplaced the spot with which 
we are concerned. The correct location of the scene of battle is determinable by 
two widely separated points: the bridge over the Hutchinson River, and "Glover's 



As Glover's Rock is just a mile from the end of Pell's Point, 
either the Colonel miscalculated the distance or the British re- 
treated half a mile on meeting his force. The former is the 
more likely; exact calculation is the forte of but few men, 
especially when going into battle. 

The great glacial boulder, about twelve feet high, which 
is known as " Glover's Rock," stands on the south side of the 

Rock," on the Pell's Point road. The first is not hard to identify, as it was then 
the only bridge over the stream (for the modern "Boston Post Road" did not 
then exist, and hence had no bridge). The allusion of Colonel Clover in his 
letter, to " a run of water" and to the bridge planks taken up in the morning, 
further identify the spot, as does President Stiles' reference to "a causeway." 
The short piece of road from Wolfs Lane to the bridge is low now, and might 
very well have been a causeway in 1770, when the volume of water in the little 
river was certainly greater than now, and a causeway would have been almost 
essentia! to keep the road above water, particularly during high tides. 

There is no other stream which Glover could have crossed on his way to the 
head of Pell's Point; and had he been so far to the north as Sauthier indicates, 
the enemy would hardly have come in contact with him. 

Well-attested tiadition identifies "Glover's Rock," as do also the cannon- 
balls found there when the street-railroad was constructing. They were from 
either the British field-guns or the men-of-war in the Sound (two accounts men- 
tion a heavy fire being kept up by the ships during the debarkation of the 
troops). 

These two points being ascertained, it is easy to see the shortest route between 
them was the present " Split Rock road," over which Glover must have marched, 
and on which occurred the severest fighting. 

That the conflict was along the line of this road is certain also from Glover's 
words: " 1 disposed of my little party to the best of my judgment: Colonel 
Read's on the left of the road." (The italics are my own). 

There was no other road leading to Pell's Point. 

Of the retreat he says: "We retreated to the bottom of the hill" (this must 
have been Wolfs Lane hill, as it is directly on the line of their retreat) "and had 
to pass through a run of water (the bridge I had taken up before) and then 
marched up a hill the opposite side of the creek where I (had) left my artillery." 

This agrees with Stiles, and the creek can be no other than the Hutchinson. 
Colonel Baldwin also specifically says in his diary: "This battle was fought 
near the Boston Post Road, on the S. E. side of the road toward their (the 
British) shipping." 



road from Bartow Station of the New Haven railroad to City 
Island, about three-eighths of a mile from the station. At this 
point or just east, the land is so low that a high tide will come 
up to the roadway. The water to the north, shown in the 
view, is known as Le Roy Bay. 

We may pause here for a moment to more particularly de- 
scribe the tract of country with which we are concerned. 
Mile Square, at or near which Glover's force camped the night 
before the battle, is too far west to appear on our map, but is 
on a line directly west of Grove Street and Bridge Street, 
Mount Vernon, on the hills west of the Bronx and the present 
City of Mount Vernon, which was non-existent in 1776. The 
eastern boundary of the city is the Hutchinson River, which, 
at the old Boston Post Road, is spanned by a little bridge 1 of 
which we shall hear more, and Wolf's Lane, on the other side, 
in the town of Pelham, climbs a hill to the crest at Pelham 
Manor Heights. On the other side of the modern Post Road, 
a short distance southeast, is a winding and picturesque road 
which for almost its whole length is at quite an elevation 
above the Hutchinson, 2 and from which the valley and the 

1 Three regiments were ordered to pass a causeway (the only passage) and 
march to oppose them, and our regiment (Glover's) with three pieces of artillery,* 
was posted on an eminence overlooking the causeway, to secure a retreat for the 
others and prevent the enemy from advancing. — Stiles. 

♦Glover says: "The ground being rough and much broken, I was afraid to risk it over." 
Evidently he had no horses to draw the guns. 

2 This winding stream, partly tide-water, flows in a sinuous course, forming 
the boundary between East Chester and Pelham. The name commemorates the 
celebrated Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, who, after her expulsion from Massachusetts in 
1637, lived in Rhode Island until 1642, and then removed to this lonely spot, 
erecting a house near the stream and not far from "Split Rock." The Indians 
attacked it the next year, massacred all but one of the household, and she 
perished in the burning dwelling. 

The Colonial Dames of New York have been solicited to erect a suitable me- 
morial on the spot 



East Chester hills form an attractive landscape. It enters the 
"Shore Road " at the point shown in the illustration opposite 
page 17, and is known as Pelham Lane, the Prospect Hill road, 
and, more generally, the Split Rock road, from the remarkable 
natural curiosity shown opposite page iq — an enormous rock, 
riven by some unknown force through its very centre. Only 
a short distance south of its junction with the Shore Road 1 is 
the City Island road from Bartow, which we have already 
described. The distance between Glover's Rock and the 
Hutchinson bridge is about three miles, and most of the land 
is within the limits of Pelham Bay Park of New York City. 

To return to Le Roy Bay: In the illustration opposite page 
8, the figures in the background 8 are probably about where 
the British advance appeared. With a promptness much to his 
credit, Glover had at once sent forward a Captain 3 with his 

1 The present Shore Road did not exist in 1770, unless as a mere union be- 
tween the City Island road and the Split Rock road — nor was there any bridge 
over East Chester Bay, where is now Pelham Bridge. 

2 This region contains many features of interest to the antiquarian and 
ethnologist, as well as to the historian. Under the great oaks to the left, near the 
water, is an Indian burial-ground, and out of one of the great rocks has been 
hollowed by the aborigines a cavity for grinding corn. To the north, just across 
Leroy Bay and almost opposite Glover's Rock, is the stone house of the Bartow 
family, succeeding that of the Pells, whose progenitor Thomas Pell bought his 
estate from the Indian sachem, whose daughter he afterwards married, about ioso. 

From him the town of Pelham and the peninsula of Pell's Neck or Point de 
rive their names. 

The estate passed to his grandson John Bartow, in 1790, and only recently 
passed out of the family, on its acquisition by New York City as part of Pelham 
Bay Park. 

8 Although impossible to decide which Captain of Read's regiment, it must 
have been Peters, Pond or Warren, as one man from each of these companies 
was killed. 

Andrew Peters was born in Medfield, Mass., January 24, 1742, and died 

Oliver Pond was born in Wrentham, Mass. 

Samuel Warren was born in Mendon, Mass. 



company of forty men, to hold the enemy in check while the 
main body could be "disposed of to advantage" (his own 
words). On over the roads described the three regiments 
hastened eastward. Glover's own regiment being left at the 
Hutchinson in reserve, under command of Captain Courtis. 1 
This reduced the effective force of the brigade to less than six 
hundred men. 

Until recently these roads had substantial stone walls" on 
each side; but when to be macadamized a few years ago, the 
stone afforded a ready-to-hand material, and was used for the 
purpose. Their disappearance robs the battle-ground of a 
prominent and distinctive feature — for behind them, in the 
chill of that October morning, 3 were ranged the six hundred 
Massachusetts men. 4 



1 William Courtis. 

(At that time Lieutenant Colonel Gabriel Johannot was absent on sick leave, 
and Major Lee, it will be remembered, had been despatched to General Lee — 
hence Courtis was the ranking officer). He afterwards became Major in Colonel 
David Henley's regiment. 

2 Howe, in his despatch to Lord George Germaine, calls them "Bend-stone 
walls" — a term unknown to me. 

3 The first shots were probably fired by 7 a. m. Glover's "very early" is 
indefinite, but Hutchins' Almanack (published by Hugh Gaine) for 1776, gives 
sunrise that day as at b:%2 and sunset at 5:28. 

* Lossing says Glover's regiment wore blue cloth round jackets and trousers, a 
nautical dress appropriate to the "amphibious regiment." Still his description 
does not agree with Russell's uniform as shown on the statue, opposite page 15. 

It should be remembered that few of Washington's soldiers were uniformed at 
that time, and those that were, were variously dressed. 

Colonel Von Heeringen (see post) says of those he met at the battle of Long 
Island : " hardly one regiment was uniformed. " The same state of things existed 
in Gates' army at Saratoga a year later. 

Mr. F. D. Stone, librarian of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, said in an 



3 § 




While impossible to definitely fix the position held by each 
regiment. Glover states clearly that Colonel Read's' held the 
most advanced — eastern — position on the left of the road. 
Shepard's, 8 similarly situated, was on the other side, and in 

address (189=;): "At Brandywine no two were dressed alike." Just before the 
same battle, Lafayette said the troops were " ill-armed and still worse clad." 

It must be said, however, that then a year's hard campaigning had passed 
since 1 776, and this might account for the poor clothing. 

'Joseph Read was born in Uxbridge, Mass., March 6, 1711. 

His regiment — Thirteenth Massachusetts — is the only one mentioned as carry- 
ing a flag. Force {^Archives, Series V, Vol. II, p. 244) says its ground was light 
buff, device a pine-tree and Indian com, and two officers in the regimental uni- 
form. One of them, with blood streaming from a wound in his breast, points 
to a group of children undei the tree. The motto was: For Posterity I bleed. 

What the " regimental uniform " was can only be conjectured. 

"William Shepard was born in Westfield, Mass., December 1, 1 737, and died 
there November 10, 1817. He was a veteran of the French and Indian war and 
the expeditions against Canada. He again entered the army in 177';, as lieu- 
■ ■!, and served through the war, when he had the record of twenty- 
two I .ivies to his credit. (He is said by one writer to have commanded at Fort 
Henry — now Wheeling, W. Va. — when Elizabeth Zane performed the exploit 
which made lie elebrated, but I cannot satisfactorily determine this). 

In 1787 he was again in active service, commanding the troops which dis- 
persed the insurgent force under Shays, and thus ended ''Shays' Rebellion," at 
Springfield, Mass. During his long life he was an honored citizen of Westfield, 
holding almost every office in the gift of his community: State Senator and 
Congressman among them. Lafayette gave him a sword, which is now owned 
by a descendant. 

It is sad to have to record that he was one of the many patriots who died poor 
in consequence of their patriotism. 

— General Shepard might well be taken as a typical soldier of the Revolution 
— brave, earnest and God-fearing. The rough life of a camp in the critical period 
between boyhood and manhood did not corrupt his morals, the savagery of 
border warfare with the Indians did not affect the natural kindliness of his dis- 
position. He appears to have had a certain grim humor of the Cromwellian 
kind; and it may be said of him indeed that he was a soldier after Cromwell's 
own heart. — Memorials of the Mass. Society of the Cincinnati, by J. M. Bugbee, 



'3 

the rear (to the west), and Baldwin's 1 was still further west on 
the same side of the road as Read's. 

At " Glover's Rock " the unnamed Captain and his forty men 
tired the first shots as they faced the party of advancing in- 
vaders, of about the same strength. Having thus put his 
three regiments in ambush, Glover rode to the front and 
ordered the advance guard to push forward — which they did, 
receiving the enemy's fire without loss, though only fifty 
yards distant. Their return fire was better aimed, and 
brought down four of the opponents. At that short range 
five rounds are exchanged. 2 Two of the Massachusetts men 
lie dead now, and several are wounded. The British are con- 
siderably re-enforced, and to remain longer against such odds, 
and exposed to what then and for a year afterwards the 
patriots were unable to resist — a bayonet charge — would be 
madness. The order is given to fall back — "which was 

1 Loanimi Baldwin was born at Woburn, Mass., January 21, 174s, and died 
there October 20, 1807. His services to the cause of the colonies began with 
Lexington, and he was present at the battles of Long Island and Trenton. The 
hardships of a soldier's life proved too great for his constitution to support, and 
hence he was obliged to resign his commission in 1777, and retire to his native 
town, where he spent the remainder of his life. In civil affairs he took an active 
part, becoming Sheriff of Middlesex County, and a member of the Legislature. 
Two of his sons were noted as civil engineers, and the family is still prominent in 
Woburn. It is to Colonel Baldwin that is due the discovery and propagation 
of that valuable fruit, the Baldwin apple. 

The portrait of him, opposite page 16 is irom an engraving by Ritchie, 
furnished me by his grand-daughter, Mrs. C. R. Griffith of Woburn, from whom 
I have also received his diary of 1770, from which 1 quote several extracts. 

2 Draper, in his History of King's Mountain, says the time needed to load, 
prime and aim the flint-lock musket was three minutes. Thus the five rounds 
represent at least fifteen minutes. Colonel Von Heeringen says: " Their riflemen 
took a quarter of an hour to load, and we (the Hessians) overwhelmed them by 
rapid firing" (at the battle of Long Island). (Eelking: The German Auxiliaries, 
p. jl.) 



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Jy^T? (yA^frn/ (€&> 



East Chester hills form an attractive landscape. It enters the 
" Shore Road " at the point shown in the illustration opposite 
page 17, and is known as Pelham Lane, the Prospect Hill road, 
and, more generally, the Split Rock road, from the remarkable 
natural curiosity shown opposite page 19 — an enormous rock, 
riven by some unknown force through its very centre. Only 
a short distance south of its junction with the Shore Road 1 is 
the City Island road from Bartow, which we have already 
described. The distance between Glover's Rock and the 
Hutchinson bridge is about three miles, and most of the land 
is within the limits of Pelham Bay Park of New York City. 

To return to Le Roy Bay: In the illustration opposite page 
8, the figures in the background* are probably about where 
the British advance appeared. With a promptness much to his 
credit, Glover had at once sent forward a Captain 3 with his 

1 The present Shore Road did not exist in 1 776, unless as a mere union be- 
tween the City Island road and the Split Rock road — nor was there any bridge 
over East Chester Bay, where is now Pelham Bridge. 

8 This region contains many features of interest to the antiquarian and 
ethnologist, as well as to the historian. Under the great oaks to the left, near the 
water, is an Indian burial-ground, and out of one of the great rocks has been 
hollowed by the aborigines a cavity for grinding corn. To the north, just across 
Leroy Bay and almost opposite Glover's Rock, is the stone house of the Bartow 
family, succeeding that of the Pells, whose progenitor Thomas Pell bought his 
estate from the Indian sachem, whose daughter he afterwards married, about io=;o. 

From him the town of Pelham and the peninsula of Pell's Neck or Point de 
rive their names. 

The estate passed to his grandson John Bartow, in 17QO, and only recently 
passed out of the family, on its acquisition by New York City as part of Pelham 
Bay Park. 

3 Although impossible to decide which Captain of Read's regiment, it must 
have been Peters, Pond or Warren, as one man from each of these companies 
was killed. 

Andrew Peters was born in Medfield, Mass., January 24, 1742, and died 

Oliver Pond was born in Wrentham, Mass. 

Samuel Warren was born in Mendon, Mass. 



company of forty men, to hold the enemy in check while the 
main body could be "disposed of to advantage" (his own 
words). On over the roads described the three regiments 
hastened eastward. Glover's own regiment being' left at the 
Hutchinson in reserve, under command of Captain Courtis. 1 
This reduced the effective force of the brigade to less than six 
hundred men. 

Until recently these roads had substantial stone walls" on 
each side; but when to be macadamized a few years ago, the 
stone afforded a ready-to-hand material, and was used for the 
purpose. Their disappearance robs the battle-ground of a 
prominent and distinctive feature — for behind them, in the 
chill of that October morning, 3 were ranged the six hundred 
Massachusetts men. 4 



1 William Courtis. 

(At that time Lieutenant Colonel Gabriel Johannot was absent on sick leave, 
and Major Lee, it will be remembered, had been despatched to General Lee — 
hence Courtis was the ranking officer). He afterwards became Major in Colonel 
David Henley's regiment. 

* Howe, in his despatch to Lord George Germaine, calls them "Bend-stone 
walls" — a term unknown to me. 

3 The first shots were probably fired by 7 a. m. Glover's "very early" is 
indefinite, but Hutchins' Almanack (published by Hugh Gaine) for 1770, gives 
sunrise that day as at o:-;2 and sunset at 5:28. 

* Lossing says Glover's regiment wore blue cloth round jackets and trousers, a 
nautical dress appropriate to the "amphibious regiment." Still his description 
does not agree with Russell's uniform as shown on the statue, opposite page 15. 

It should be remembered that few of Washington's soldiers were uniformed at 
that time, and those that were, were variously dressed. 

Colonel Von Heeringen (see post) says of those he met at the battle of Long 
Island: "hardly one regiment was uniformed." The same state of things existed 
in Gates' army at Saratoga a year later. 

Mr. F. D. Stone, librarian of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, said in an 



3 S 



2 O 




While impossible to definitely fix the position held by each 
regiment. Glover states clearly that Colonel Read's 1 held the 
most advanced — eastern — position on the left of the road. 
Shepard's, 8 similarly situated, was on the other side, and in 

address (189s): " At Brandywine no two were dressed alike." Just before the 
same battle, Lafayette said the troops were " ill-armed and still worse clad." 

It must be said, however, that then a year's hard campaigning had passed 
since 1776, and this might account for the poor clothing. 

'Joseph Read was born in Uxbridge, Mass., March 0, 1731. 

His regiment — Thirteenth Massachusetts — is the only one mentioned as carry- 
ing a flag. Force (Archives, Series V, Vol. 11, p. 244) says its ground was light 
buff, device a pine-tree and Indian corn, and two officers in the regimental uni- 
form. One of them, with blood streaming from a wound in his breast, points 
to a group of children under the tree. The motto was: For Posterity I bleed. 

What the " regimental uniform " was can only be conjectured. 

3 William Shepard was born in Westfield, Mass., December 1, 1737, and died 
there November 16, 1817. He was a veteran of the French and Indian war and 
the expeditions against Canada. He again entered the army in 1775, as lieu- 
tenant-colonel, and served through the war, when he had the record of twenty- 
two battles to his credit. (He is said by one writer to have commanded at Fort 
Henry — now Wheeling, W. Va. — when Elizabeth Zane performed the exploit 
which made her c iebrated, but I cannot satisfactorily determine this). 

In 1787 he was again in active service, commanding the troops which dis- 
persed the insurgent force under Shays, and thus ended ''Shays' Rebellion," at 
Springfield, Mass. During his long life he was an honored citizen of Westfield, 
holding almost every office in the gift of his community: State Senator and 
Congressman among them. Lafayette gave him a sword, which is now owned 
by a descendant. 

It is sad to have to record that he was one of the many patriots who died poor 
in consequence of their patriotism. 

— General Shepard might well be taken as a typical soldier of the Revolution 
— brave, earnest and God-fearing. The rough life of a camp in the critical period 
between boyhood and manhood did not corrupt his morals, the savagery of 
border warfare with the Indians did not affect the natural kindliness of his dis- 
position. He appears to have had a certain grim humor of the Cromwellian 
kind; and it may be said of him indeed that he was a soldier after Cromwell's 
own heart. — Memorials of the Muss. Society of the Cincinnati, by). M. Buobee, 
1890. 



'3 

the rear (to the west), and Baldwin's 1 was still further west on 
the same side of the road as Read's. 

At ' ' Glover's Rock " the unnamed Captain and his forty men 
fired the first shots as they faced the party of advancing in- 
vaders, of about the same strength. Having thus put his 
three regiments in ambush, Glover rode to the front and 
ordered the advance guard to push forward — which they did, 
receiving the enemy's fire without loss, though only fifty 
yards distant. Their return fire was better aimed, and 
brought down four of the opponents. At that short range 
five rounds are exchanged. 3 Two of the Massachusetts men 
lie dead now, and several are wounded. The British are con- 
siderably re-enforced, and to remain longer against such odds, 
and exposed to what then and for a year afterwards the 
patriots were unable to resist — a bayonet charge — would be 
madness. The order is given to fall back — "which was 

1 Loammi Baldwin was born at Wobum, Mass., January 21, 174=;, and died 
there October 20, 1807. His services to the cause of the colonies began with 
Lexington, and he was present at the battles of Long Island and Trenton. The 
hardships of a soldier's life proved too great for his constitution to support, and 
hence he was obliged to resign his commission in 1777, and retire to his native 
town, where he spent the remainder of his life. In civil affairs he took an active 
part, becoming Sheriff of Middlesex County, and a member of the Legislature. 
Two of his sons were noted as civil engineers, and the family is still prominent in 
Woburn. It is to Colonel Baldwin that is due the discovery and propagation 
of that valuable fruit, the Baldwin apple. 

The portrait of him, opposite page 16 is irom an engraving by Ritchie, 
furnished me by his grand-daughter, Mrs. C. R. Griffith of Woburn, from whom 
I have also received his diary of 1770, from which 1 quote several extracts. 

* Draper, in his History of King's Mountain, says the time needed to load, 
prime and aim the flint-lock musket was three minutes. Thus the five rounds 
represent at least fifteen minutes. Colonel Von Heeringen says: " Their riflemen 
took a quarter of an hour to load, and we (the Hessians) overwhelmed them by 
rapid firing" (at the battle of Long Island). (Eelking: The German Auxiliaries, 
p. 31.) 



'4 

masterly well done," * says Glover, when the enemy were less 
than a hundred feet away. With a cheer, they advance con- 
fident of an easy victory, But as at Bunker Hill, behind the 
wall to the right is a regiment biding its time: 

Each man drew his watchful breath 

Slow taken 'tween the teeth, 
Trigger and eye and ear a-cock, 

Knit brow and hard-drawn lips. 

At about thirty yards, the solid column in front offers a 
mark impossible to miss. Read's two hundred level over the 
wall their motley array of heavy "Tower" muskets, light 
fowling pieces and long squirrel rifles, and a tremendous 
volley bursts forth, right in the face of the foe. A heavy 
cloud of smoke hides all for a moment— the moment when 
Read and his officers listen for the command which shall 
bring the disciplined ranks up to the wall, and over with a 
rush, following the deadly bayonets which won the day at 
Brooklyn. 

But none is heard, and as the smoke clears away, the 
enemy's dead and wounded are seen lying thick along the 
grass-grown road, while the column itself is falling back 
towards 2 the main body, considerably in the rear. 

It is Bunker Hill over again, so far, and Read's men drop 
back behind the wall, and wish for breakfast — for they have 
marched without it, and the chill October air is hunger- 

1 Our men behaved like soldiers, conformed to the orders of their officers, and 
retreated in grand order. — Stiles. 

'The whole body of the 1 6th were forced to return by the fire of a single 
regiment, and many of them (were) old troops. The 4th regiment was one that 
ran. — Stiles. 

We galled the enemy very much, brought them to a stand-still and finally to 
retreat till they were re-inforced. — Baldwin, MS. Journal. 




Private JOHN RUSSELL, 

of Glover's Regiment M4th Mass.i. 

(Portrait from life — Statue on the Trenton Battle Monument.) 



'5 

provoking. They have plenty of time to wish, for an hour 
and a half passes ere the enemy re-appears. Now he has his 
full strength, at least four thousand men, and seven cannon 
cover his advance with a steady fire, which happily is more 
impressive than harmful. At fifty yards, Read's men again 
pour their bullets into the close ranks. But this time the 
volley is not unexpected, and while it halts the column, it is 
promptly returned, as Glover says, "with showers of mus- 
quetry and cannon-balls." 

The British commander 1 has not sent out any flanking 
parties which might take the patriots unaware, as they did 
on the retreat from Concord; and sheltered as they are Read's 
men load and fire steadily. For twenty minutes at least the 
sharp, irregular rattle of "firing at will" and the boom of 
cannon continue, until seven rounds 3 have been exchanged. 
Then retreat is ordered, and the Thirteenth march off, pro- 
tected in some degree by the wall, until they have passed the 
point where Shepard's — the Third — is hidden on the oppo- 
site side of the road. Here they again line the wall, and 
await their turn. 

It may be that, as both attacks have been met by Read, the 
enemy think his the only force confronting them. Certainly 
nothing else can explain the rashness with which they ad- 

1 Howe is said to have been present in person. 

8 An eye-witness, whose letter was published in the Freeman's Journal, 
Portsmouth, N. H., and dated "Mile Square, Nov. 12," says: 

" People may think what they please of the ' regular and spirited behaviour ' 
of the British troops, but I that day was an eye-witness to the contrary. I saw 
as great irregularity, almost, as in a militia; they would come out from their 
body and fire single guns. Had we been re-inforced with half their number, 
we might have totally defeated them." 




— '■' 




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i6 

vance, cheering, unmindful that there are walls on either side 
of them, and maybe antagonists as well. 

By this time it cannot be earlier than ten o'clock, and the 
two forces must be on the Split Rock road, 1 possibly near the 
old dwelling which in 1848, Bolton says, was occupied by B. 
S. Collins. Wherever it was that Shepard's two hundred 
were posted there occurred the hottest fight of the day; for 
after delivering an effective volley at short range, and again 
halting the enemy, a " long-continued and well-sustained fire 
was kept up on each side." 2 The bull-dog tenacity of British 
soldiers — and of the German mercenaries 3 also — was well 
shown here. Glover says the patriots kept up a constant fire, 
and held their ground until seventeen rounds had been fired. 
This shows over an hour's steady fighting. During this "the 
enemy's line was broken several times, and once in particular 
so far that a soldier of Shepard's leaped over the wall and took 
a hat and canteen from a Captain that lay dead on the ground 
they had retreated from."* Still, the odds were too great to 
warrant a longer stand, much less an advance; Glover there- 

1 The original name was probably Pell's Lane, as it led to or near Thomas 
Pell's house (still standing, though modernized). The view from the top of the 
hill is looking south over the valley of the Hutchinson. East Chester is in the 
distance, though not visible. 

8 Dawson. 

SJust a month later, it should be remembered, the same Hessians climbed the 
steep bluff at Fort Washington, and steadily advancing, stormed the outer works 
and finally captured the garrison. 

* Glover. The officer was Captain William Glanville Evelyn, of the 4th 
Regiment (" King's Own "). He was not killed, but mortally wounded, and 
died in New York November 6th. The body was buried in either the Lutheran 
Cemetery on Broadway, or in Trinity Church yard. He was descended from 
the celebrated John Evelyn, of the Diary and Sj'lva, and was, General Howe 
said, " a gallant officer." 



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'7 

fore ordered the two regiments to withdraw, and marching 
west beyond where Baldwin's fresh men were awaiting their 
turn, behind a wall, they took their final position as his sup- 
port. The spot is uncertain. It may have been at the crest 
of the hill, now called Pelham Manor Heights, where Wolf 
Lane extends northwest to the old Boston Post Road. The 
ground, Glover says, "was much in their favor." So was 
their artillery, which seems now to have come more to the 
front. While the Third and Thirteenth were retreating, Colo- 
nel Baldwin, apprehensive of a flanking movement, for which 
the locality was more favorable than had been the case further 
east, went on a reconnoissance with Ensign Wood 1 and thirty 
men. Wood, advancing too far, found the enemy advancing, 
and was wounded, but rejoined the regiment safely. The 
Twenty-sixth in its turn meet the enemy with a volley, but 
at that moment a retreat was ordered by Colonel Glover. * 
The illustration shows Wolfs Lane where it descends the 
hill. 3 Passing the Pell or Hay house at its foot, they wheeled 
to the left on the old Post Road, and marching along the short 
causeway which they had traversed that morning, crossed the 
Hutchinson. The original bridge long ago disappeared, as 

1 Sylvanus Wood. 

8 We could do but little before we retreated. — Glover. 

Our troops were as calm and steady as though expecting a shot at a flock of 
pigeons, and not in the least daunted or confused. When the General (Glover) 
gave orders to retreat, it was (obeyed) with the greatest reluctance imaginable, 
though with as much good order and regularity as ever they marched off a 
Publick Parade. — Baldwin. 

3 Balls and brass ornaments are frequently found on the heights of Pelham. 
Near the residence of James Hay, Esq., part of a soldier's belt marked 1 6th Regt. 
was discovered. — Bolton, Hist. Westchester Co., Vol. I (ist edition), p. 547. 

(The Hay house is the former Pell house near the Hutchinson bridge. It is 
not the Thomas Pell house I have referred to, but a much later one). 



i b 
5 o 




has done a second and more pretentious one on the site of the 
present commonplace affair shown in the view. As the floor- 
ing had been taken up in the morning, the troops must have 
had to get across as best they could, through deep, sticky mud. 

Reaching the rocky heights beyond, they rejoined their 
comrades of Glover's own regiment, who covered their retreat 
by an artillery duel across the little valley until nightfall, with- 
out appreciable damage to either side. 

General Howe made no effort to cross the stream, 1 but 
camped on the high ground opposite, his right extending 
nearly to New Rochelle, while the weary patriots fell back 
two miles and camped somewhere in the present Mount Ver- 
non. 2 The next morning they retreated to Mile Square, 3 just 
west of the Bronx, and within the town of Yonkers. 

As Glover's regiment had no part in the battle, and Bald- 
win's but a slight one, the chief participants were Read's and 

1 Colonel Glover made such resistance from behind stone fences, that this last 
command (Howe's) went into camp "waiting for re-inforcements. — Carrington: 
(Washington the Soldier, p. 12s). 

On the 1 8th we had two pretty smart skirmishes; after marching about three 
miles, we halted to get cannon, provisions, &c, brought forward. — Letter from 
"an officer of eminence" to his friend in Edinburgh, dated White Plains, Nov. 2. 
Long Island Hist. Society's Collections, Vol. 111. 

2 After fighting all day without victuals or drink, we lay all night, the heavens 
above us and the earth under us, which was all we had, having left all our bag- 
gage at the old encampment we left in the morning. — Glover. 

3 The position of Mile Square is generally wrongly marked on the maps of the 
period; most having it too far south. 

It was really, as Lossing says, about where the old Hunt's Bridge Station of 
the Harlem Railroad was (1840), just west of Mount Vernon. (The present road 
from Mount Vernon to Yonkers, which the electric railroad follows, would 
traverse part of it). 

Dr. Stiles' date (see page t>), " Camp at Mile Square, East Chester," also 
identifies it. 



10 

Shepard's, about four hundred against ten times their number 
of better armed, better trained and better supplied troops, 
having artillery. All had shared in the victory of Brooklyn, 
and though some were also of the detachment driven back at 
Harlem Heights in September, numbers were more evenly 
matched then. But the contrast between numbers and equip- 
ment was not more striking than between the losses on the 
two sides. 1 Glover's report shows only six privates* killed 
and Colonel Shepard and twelve privates wounded (apparently 
Ensign Wood did not report his own wound). Shepard was 
dangerously hurt, a bullet piercing his neck. 

The enemy's loss was mostly among the Hessians; but as 
their officers reported only to their superiors in Germany, no 
historian has been able to give exact figures.! Of the British 
only three privates were killed * and twenty wounded, as 
were also Captain Evelyn, whom we have mentioned before, 
and Lieutenant Colonel Musgrave, 3 who commanded the First 

1 The enemy must have lost at least two hundred men dead. I judge from 
what I saw myself, and good information. — Baldwin. 

*ln Read's regiment, Samuel Cole, of Capt. Pond's company; Daniel Deland, 
of Capt. Wan en's; Ezekiel Fuller, of Capt. Peters'. In Shepard's regiment, 
Sergeant Charles Adams, Sergeant James Scott, private Thaddeus Kemp, all of 
Capt. Isaac Bolster's company. 

■(■Several Hessian officers are buried ill the church-yard of St. Paul's at K.isl 
Chester (see the view opposite p. 22), The edifice dates from 1764. 

2 Lushington says they lost two light infantry officers (names not given) and 
some men. He says the Grenadiers were exposed only to the fire of the Ameri- 
can artillery, "which was ill-served." (Lord Harris was the senior captain of 
the 5th Foot, and captain of the Grenadier company). 

This shows that this regiment at least took no part in the encounter until the 
Hutchinson had been crossed, as it was only then the American cannon were 
used. 

3 It was he who, with five companies of his regiment — the 40th — successfully 
held the Chew House, at the battle of Germantown, just a year later, and 
practically won the day for the British. 



: 5 

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5 z 

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Battalion of the Light Infantry. But if the Hessian loss cannot 
be given with official detail, it can be reckoned with substan- 
tial accuracy. For several* days, deserters from the enemy 
came into the American camp. Each was questioned sepa- 
rately and without the others' knowledge, and the sum of 
their testimony was that Howe's total loss was from eight 
hundred to a thousand — in other words, a total equal to twice 
the force of the patriots !f 

As Dawson justly observes, " it is difficult to believe that 
four hundred Americans, familiar with the use of firearms, 
sheltered by ample defences from which they could fire de- 
liberately and with their guns rested on the tops, could have 
fired volley after volley into a large body of men, massed in a 
compacted column in a narrow roadway, without having in- 
flicted as extended damage as this." 

The author of a recent history of the County has ridiculed 
this estimate, but in view ot the present war in South Africa, 
it is easy to agree with Mr. Dawson. At the battle of Colenso 
the Boers, sheltered by their trenches, lost 38, and the British 
1,350; and the records of Spion Kop and Magersfontein are 

*Colonel Baldwin notes in his journal: "Oct. 19: The enemy lay pretty still 
this day, only plundering the Point indiscriminately, shewing no more favor to 
a Tory than a Whig. The country people are in great confusion, although they 
are chiefly Enemies and neuters (neutrals). We have been until very lately ex- 
ceeding careful of the property of the country people and farmers, till we found 
it was only saving it for our Enemies, and now the fields of corn and stacks of 
wheat serve for fodder for our horses, the pigs, poultry, &c, for change of diet 
for the soldiers; this is chiefly near the disputed ground" (the ' Neutral Ground '). 

fThe British loss at Bunker Hill was 1,054. 

At Saratoga (the first day), soo. 

At Germantown, 535. 

So Pell's Point was greater than either the second or third, and within two 
hundred of the first. 



. 3 "•- 



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S * 



L. O 




similar. At the battle of New Orleans (1815) Jackson's army, 
behind breastworks, lost but thirteen men, the British about 
two thousand. 

The reason Glover was left to fight all day against such 
odds was undoubtedly Washington's belief that Howe was 
merely feigning an attack at Pell's Point, while the real attack 
would be made at Morrisania. Hence Glover's was the only 
force confronting what was really the greater part of Howe's 
army, engaged in the bold attempt to throw several thousand 
troops in a line from the Sound as far across the county * as 
might be necessary to get between the separate parts of the 
American army, and thus hem in the larger part between it 
and the two thousand left in New York with Percy. Had the 
plan succeeded, defeat piecemeal would have been the prob- 
able fate of the patriot forces. The heavy los"s which Howe 
sustained probably led him to think Washington had a large 
force in his front, and so he went into camp, as we have seen, 
"awaiting re-enforcements" (/'. e. Knyphausen with the rest 
of the Hessians). Colonel Baldwin's journal says: "The 
Generals (Washington and Lee), were highly pleased with 
our conduct, and have since returned us their thanks, as you 
will see by the orders." 2 The moral effect of the all-day 

1 The object was to cut the communications between Washington and the 
Eastern colonies, and to enclose him on all sides in his fastnesses on the north 
side of (New) York Island. — Lord Harris, (quoted in Lushington's " Life"). 

8 (Washington's congratulatory address): 

Head-Quarters, October 21, 1776. 
General Orders. 

The Hurried situation of the Gen'l. the two last days having prevented him 
from paying that attention to Col. Glover and the officers and soldiers who were 
with him in the skirmish on Friday last their Merit & Good Behaviour deserved, 
he flatters himself that his thanks tho' delayed will nevertheless be acceptable to 
them as they are offered with great sincerity and cordiality. 



encounter on the spirit of Glover's brigade * was excellent, and 
the delay which it caused Howe was particularly valuable to 
Washington, who by the twenty-fifth had safely reached 
White Plains with all his troops, save the garrison which 
had, unhappily, been left to garrison Fort Washington, where 
it was eventually to fall a prey to Howe on the sixteenth of 
November. 

The Bibliography which I have added is taken mainly from 
Mr. Dawson's work, but has been re-arranged for the sake of 
convenience. It shows that most of the authorities cited give 
the battle but brief notice, while some omit any mention of it. 
I am confident my readers will agree with him that "the 
reader will find in the character and number of those who did 
recognize the achievements of those brave men, on that day, 
sufficient evidence of the great importance which those 
achievements possessed, and the great influence which they 

At the same time, he hopes that every other part of the Army will do their 
Duty with equal Bravery & Zeal whenever called upon, and neither Dangers nor 
Difficulties nor Hardships will discourage Soldiers engaged in the Cause of 
Liberty and while we are contending for all that Freemen hold dear & Valuable. 

Lee's Orders: 

Mile Square, October 19, 1770. 

Gen'l Lee Returns his wannest thanks to Col. Glover & the Brigade under his 
Command, not only for their gallant behaviour yesterday, but for their prudent, 
cool, orderly & Soldierlike conduct in all respects He assures these brave men 
that he shall omit no opportunity of Shewing his Gratitude. All the Wounded 
to be immediately sent to Valentine's Hill, at the second Liberty Pole, where 
Surgeons should Repair to dress them ; they are afterwards [to be] forwarded to 
Fort Washington. 

• A month before, General George Clinton, writing to the New York Assembly, 
and describing the encounter at Harlem Heights, said: " 1 consider our success 
in this small affair at this time almost equal to a victory; it has animated our 
troops and gave (sic) them new spirits." 

Precisely similar words might have been written about Pell's Point. 



• ofC. 



23 

secured, both in America and Europe, both of which are our 
sufficient warrant for presentation of them to our readers in as 
complete and accurate a form as possible." 

It is fortunate that the battlefield is within the limits of Pel- 
ham Bay Park, and will therefore escape the fate of some 
other fields, which have been covered with buildings as popu- 
lation advanced. The Daughters of the American Revolution 
(Bronx Chapter, Mount Vernon, N. Y.), intend placing a 
suitably-inscribed bronze tablet on "Glover's Rock" to com- 
memorate the event. It is to be hoped this will be accom- 
plished soon after this work shall have been published, and 
thus the name and story of the Battle of Pell's Point or 
Pelham be perpetuated by a durable memento which will be 
seen by thousands, to whom this book and its author alike 
must necessarily remain unknown. 




(1 had hoped to give an adequate biographical notice of each of the officers 
mentioned in any way; hut the utmost care in investigation of state and local 
records and correspondence with descendants has been fruitless in those cases 
where blanks are found.) 



BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

Adolphus, John — History of England, 2d Ed. (London 1840), 

Vol. II, 380. 
Allen, Paul — Am. Revolution, I, 511/12, Baltimore 1822. 
Baldwin, Col. Loammi — MS. Journal. 
Bolton, Rob't — History of Westchester Co. 

1st Ed., Vol. I, 153. 444. 546/8. 

2d " " " 73/4. 245. 695. 
Clinton, Gen. George — (to N. Y. Convention Oct. 21, 1776). 

See Force, Series V, Vol. II. 1167/8. 
Force, Peter — Am. Archives, Ser. V, Vol.11, 1 188/9 (same as 

Glover, post.) 

Do. 718 (casualties). 
" 1 130 (good account). 
" 1 174 (Newport editorial). 
Glover, Col. John — Letter {Freeman's Journal and New 

Hampshire Gazette), Portsmouth, Nov. 25, 1776, 

Vol. I, No. 27 and I No. 24, Newport editorial. 
Gordon, W. — Am. Revolution (1801), II, 338/9. 
Hall, Captain — History Civil War in America, I, 205 (1780). 
Heath, General William — Memoirs, 1798 (and new Ed'n 1901). 
How, David— Diary, Oct 18, 1776(1865). 
Howe, Admiral Lord, to the Admiralty, Nov. 23, 1776. 
Howe, General, to Germaine, Nov. 30, 1776. 
Jones, Thos. — New York during the Revolution (1879), I, 122. 
Lamb, Sergeant R. — Annals Am. Revolution, 127. (Dublin 



Long Island Historical Soc'y — Publications 111. 
Lossing, B.J. — Field Book of the Revolution, II. 

"1776." 207(1847). 
Lushington, S. R. — Life of Lord Harris. London 1845. 
Marshall, John — Life of Washington, II, 499 (brief). 
Moore, Frank — Diary of the Revolution, I, 326/337 (full). 
Morse, Jed. — Annals Am. Revolution, 127 (1824). 
Penn'a Journal, No. 1768 (Oct. 23, 1776). 

Letter from Fort Lee, Oct. 20. 

No. 1769 (Oct. 30). 

Letter from Mount Washington Oct. 2^ (about 
loss). 

Letter from an officer Oct. 20. 
Phila. Evening Post, Vol. II, No. 276. Oct. 26, 1776. (De- 
serter's report.) 
Ramsay, David— Hist. Am. Revolution, I, 308/9 (1793). 

" Life of Washington, 6th Ed. 46 (casual men- 
tion). 
Roads, Sam'l Jr. — Sketches of Marblehead, 1897. 
*Sparks, Jared — Life of Washington 194 (1842). 
Stedman, C. — American War, I, 211/212 (London 1794). 
Stiles, Rev. Ezra — Diary, Vol. VI. (Quoted by Bolton). 
Scull, Gideon D. — Evelyns in America. 

" " " Life of Captain Wm. G. Evelyn. Ox- 

ford 1879. 
*Soules, Francois — Histoire des Troubles de l'Amerique 

Anglaise, I, 343/5 (Paris 1787). 
Tilghman, Lieut.-Col. T. — Letterto William Duer, Oct. 20, 1776. 
Irving, Washington — Life of Washington, II, 385/6 (good 

notice). 



I 



26 



Bancroft, George — History U. S. (original edition) IX, 177. 

(Centenary) V, 441 (slight). 
*Hildreth, Richard — History U. S., 1st Series, III, 1 54. 
*Hamilton, John G. — History U. S., I, 129/130 (1857). 
*Greene, Geo. Wi — Life Gen. Greene, I, 236/8 (1846). 
Warren, Mercy-4Am. Revolution, I, 327 (1805). 
Washington, to Congress, Oct. 20, 1776. 
Carrington, H. B. — Battles Am. Revolution, 23s (1876). 
" " Washington the Soldier, 12s (1898). 

Dawson, H. B.— Battles of U. S., I, 177. 
Dunlap, William — History of New York, II, 80. 
*Pitkin, Timothy — Political and Civil U. S.. I, 379, (1828). 
♦Annual Register (Dodsley, London), 1776, p. 176. 
*Humphreys, Col. David — Life of Putnam, 126/7 (1818). 
*Murray, — Impartial History War in America, II, 

175. '93- 

D'Auberteuil, — Essais historiques sur la Revolution, II, 

38 (Brussels 1782.) 

*Andrews, John — History War with America, II, 243/5 (Lon- 
don 1786). 

*LeBrun and Chas. — Histoire politique de la Revolution, 
(Paris, 1 79-), p. 183. 

*Ridpath, John C— Popular Hist. U. S. (1880), 313. 

(Those marked * mention the movement from Throgg's 

Neck, but say nothing about the Battle of Pelham). 






• 



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i » 



291 79, .J 




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